Analysis

History of communal riots in Gujarat is very long. In 1969 riots, nearly 2000 people were killed, though official toll was put at 600. The social situation then was triangular with upper-castes pitted against the Other Backward Castes (OBC) with Muslims being silent. The riots had been triggered by the anger and tension owing to the KHAM (Kshatriya, Harijan, Ahir and Muslim) politics of Congress. It was hurting the Patels most who are the economically and socially dominant community. Patels launched the anti-reservation agitation. The BJP used the opportunity to gain foothold and received legitimacy among the upper-castes as the upholder of their interests.

In the 1985 elections, Madhavsinh Solanki- led Congress secured nearly 60 per cent votes (largest ever mandate in the history of Gujarat) and thereby sending shivers down the Patels. Upper-castes developed the perception that political power was slipping out of their hand and began to plump for the BJP which organised as many as five yatras between 1985 and 1990. Modi consolidated his base through such mobilisation of Hindus. Bajrang Dal began to co-opt OBC into its ranks. As a result, several communal riots were witnessed in post -90 era in which the Dalits were employed for attack on the Muslim habitations. The tribal mobilisation had begun in 1987. In riots following Advani’s rath yatra in 1990, tribals attacked the Muslim villages.

Till then, South Gujarat was securely with the Congress. Pente-costal Church was active in the coastal area and there were lot of conversions too. The Sangh Parivar took it as a ruse and mobilised the tribals against the Christians. Tribals of Gujarat were not an uneducated lot like other states. Reforms introduced by the ruling family of Gaikwads of Baroda as early as 1800s, had incorporated the tribals too. By mid-20th century, Gujarat tribals had a thriving middle- class. It was also because the reservation for SC-ST was implemented honestly in Gujarat during 50s and 60s. But steadily, the BJP had begun gaining ground in panchayaths and cooperatives. Waghela’s revolt did not matter much.

The BJP got a rude shock when it lost heavily in panchayath elections in 2000. They removed Keshubhai from the head of the government and brought in Modi by mid-2001. They focused on north Gujarat areas where they had lost heavily. Muslims became a victim of the communal mobilisation even though they offered no competition to any segment of Hindus. They were either middle level farmers and constituted no economic threat. Even 70 per cent of Gujaratis are non-vegetarians. Gujarat has 24 per cent of nation’s coastal belt and fish is the staple diet in these areas. There are no industrial houses of Muslims in Gujarat and they are neither in jobs nor compete for them.

But history, of course, was employed heavily for the purpose. Mahmud Ghaznawi’s attack on Somnath Temple were exploited to the hilt. A new factor is the neo-Hindu sects such as Swami Narayan which has a large following among NRI Gujaratis. Due to their crisis of identity, NRI Gujaratis contribute heavily for these causes. The expansion of the appeal of Swami Narayan in the US can be gauged from the fact that from a following of just about three families in 1967 in the US, the sect has built up magnificent temples in 30 US cities today.

There are other factors that have contributed to social strife in Gujarat. The state had a lot of syncretic traditions. Gujarati was a highly Persianised language inasmuch as glossary of Persian terms in Gujarati language ran into four volumes. All navigation related terms in Gujarati such as Bandar (port) or tandel (sail) are borrowed from Persian. Be it jhoola (swing) found in all middle class Gujarati home to jalebi or jali (latticed network) in architecture represented Persian influences in Gujarat. Surat was till very recently known as ‘Bandar Mubarak’, for Hajj ships used to set sail from here. Few Gujaratis today appreciate these foreign influences on their lifestyle and architecture as the education system does not project the pluralistic ethos of today’s Gujarati culture.

Even on linguistic front, the polarisation started in the 19th century when Muslims began to give up Gujri, a language which was an amalgam of Gujarati, Urdu and Persian. The British rulers replaced Gujri with Urdu and this created a linguistic divide between the Gujarati and Muslims. Gujri had carried the essence of the Gujarat soil. While ghazal was very popular in Gujri poetry, folk songs composed by Ganibhai and Shah Wali were commonly sung by one and all. Even Gujarati Brahmins had contributed significantly to Gujri poetry. Once Urdu became popular, moulvis from Uttar Pradesh made their foray and began to set standards.

Pan-Islamic traditions also began to create rift. Till 1969, Bohras used to celebrate Diwali. The first Census of 1871 brought about Hindu-Muslim consciousness. Separate Muslim reserved seats and quota in local self government also created a wide chasm. The British introduced the Muslim rulers of Gujarat as ‘foreign rulers’ in order to justify their own colonial rule. Jinnah’s political mobilization made Ahmedabad, Surat and Godhra a hotbed of Muslim League. Between 1934 and 1940, Muslim League was very popular among Muslims. All these culminated in massive riots in 1941 in which Muslims were widely perceived as aggressors. Khaksars had provided armed training to Muslims. Pan Islamic trends also got strengthened due to the Khilafat movement. Influx of Urdu speaking textile workers from UP also boosted these trends. Shuddhi and Tablighi movements struck roots in 30s and 40s. Ganesh poojas were organised on a grand scale. Since some Khojas and Molay Salam (a community among Muslims of Sourashtra who were converts from Hinduism and practice several Hindu customs) were converted to Hindusim under the shuddhi movement. Aghakhan got alerted and sent missionaries to ‘rectify’ the situation. Today Gujarat has ‘Dalit Aghakhanis’ and ‘Dalit Khojas’. In 1899 famine, nearly two million people perished in Gujarat. This activated the Christian missionaries.

Today, if the Muslims want to make a difference to their situation, they would have to opt for modern education which is the only guarantee for understanding the social complexity of India and will enable them to develop adequate responses to the situation. Lack of social consciousness among them has made them unfortunate victims of communalism. There are three important mercantile communities among Muslims, but they do not extend their expertise to others among Muslims. Caste consciousness is highest among Gujarat Muslims. In Ahmedabad itself, there are 28 different jamaaths of various denominations of Muslims. (As told to M. A. Siraj)

Achyut Yagnik is visiting professor of Development Communication at Gujarat University, Ahmedabad. He is a social scientist and political analyst. His book Creating a Nationality has been published by the Oxford University Press.