Politics & Muslims

The Muslim strategy to put a ‘secular government’ in the power saddle has hit a dead end in Karnataka.


The sudden turn in Karnataka politics and installation of the first BJP-JD(S) government must have come as a rude shock to Muslims in the State who had voted tactically during the May 2004 elections. The polls had thrown up a hung Assembly with the BJP grabbing the largest number of seats, i.e., 79 in a 224-member house. Instability was written into the unclear mandate. But since Congress decline was evident from the results, it was certainly to be read primarily, as the rejection of the Congress. However, Congress manipulated the situation and managed to retain the chief ministerial chair for itself, thanks to the providential gift of governance at the Centre.


Evidently, the Muslim strategy to put a ‘secular government’ in the power saddle has hit a dead end in Karnataka. As it dawns now, it is easier to elect people professing secularism once in five years. But once into the house, it is entirely the political convictions and commitment of those elected men and women to remain steadfast with their ideology. And in the present day politics guided by the lust for power, pelf and influence, the ideology has less of a relevance. The community therefore could do nothing other than being mute spectator to the changes that have ushered the BJP into power in the first state across Vindhyas, incomplete though, with the JD (S) support. The faction of the Janata Dal (Secular) headed by H. D. Kumaraswamy, did not bat even an eyelid in embracing the BJP when the opportunity knocked at his door. Power hungry HDK knew too well that a better opportunity to grab the chief minister’s gaddi would never come his way.


Secular bona fides of politicians could be gauged, but not their propensity to fall for power and thereby compromise their commitment to ideology. There is nothing that a secular (read minority) vote-bank could do to bind two secular parties for the sake of power inside a House. Such dilemmas are not unique to Karnataka alone. Regional parties that make the viable third force in several states pose this dilemma. They could ride to power by dint of Muslim and minority support, but are not a reliable commodity when it comes to sacrificing power for the sake of secularism. On majority of occasions, they are more likely to opt for power ignoring the call of conscience. After all, politics is a game for those who are in, out of, or after power.


It is therefore essential for Muslims and other minorities to review their strategy. A more enlightened way of operating in the multi-party democracy is to discuss the issues threadbare and announce support for candidates on the basis of their pro-people stances. Rule of the law, maintenance of law and order, personal integrity of the individuals, implementation of welfare schemes for people below poverty line, record of/or promise of universalisation of education, health and housing facilities in the state, should then become part of the agenda. Decision to extend community’s support should get linked to past performance. This will essentially entail maintaining performance charts of MLAs, ministers and the Governments. The social composition of the constituencies should also be factored into the exercise as before. The strategy of extending support on the basis of verbal profession of secularism has clearly outlived its utility and needs to be given a go by.


(The writer can be reached at maqbool_siraj@rediffmail.com)