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Findings of the Rajinder Sachar Committee Report have made it abundantly clear that modern and quality education should be accorded the topmost priority if Muslims aspire to gain any significant foothold in the new economy and the nation’s life and development. Since the Report prepared by a committee appointed by the Prime Minister is in the nature of observation, the Government is not duty bound to present an Action Taken Report (ATR) in the Parliament. But it has indicated its open mind to suggestions from well meaning individuals and groups.
Evidently, the bulk of backwardness of the Muslims is contributed by the four states of Uttar Pradesh, Bihar, West Bengal and Assam, home to nearly 60 per cent of India’s Muslims. Record of southern states is fairer than all, yet nowhere near the proportional representation of the community in key areas of empowerment. Maharashtra and Gujarat have some dark spots, but are not altogether bleak. However, the sense of extreme insecurity by Muslims in these two states negates the real situation. Overall, the Muslims are least educated among people who have studied beyond 7th standard. Almost half of the rural, Below Poverty Line (BPL) Muslim families do not get free ration, only 3.2 per cent have access to subsidised loan and just 1.9 per cent benefit from the government’s subsidised food programme. As many as 62.2 per cent do not have any land in the rural areas against the national average of 43 per cent. Sixty per cent of the urban Muslims never attend school and only 0.8 per cent Muslims in the rural areas and 3.1 per cent in urban areas are graduates. For every six post-graduates among uppercaste Hindus, there is only one Muslim who has acquired this degree. Representation in government service in the Northern states is abysmally low, around three per cent.
Prescriptions emerging out of the deliberation in public fora so far suggest universalisation of primary education in Muslim areas, facilitation for secondary education, partnership in skill building and community’s investment in higher and professional education, as remedial measures. A notable deficiency being pointed out in matters of setting up institutions pertains to varied interpretation of Article 30. Due to the absence of substantive legislation under the Article, the entire task of interpretation has been assigned to the Courts which are not competent in laying down public policy. Obviously, buck is being passed.
The community is yet to decide its priority in matters of medium of instruction and language curriculum. Focus of debate often shifts to Urdu and cultural continuity rather than linkages with employment opportunities and market relevance. Curiously, while in UP, the dishonest implementation of the three language formula is the bane, in Karnataka, the Government foists Urdu medium education at primary stage even though it renders the learners functionally illiterate. The community must arrive at a rational and practical linguistic formula and medium of instruction to fulfil regionally diverse needs.
Some headway has been made in matters of affiliating the minority-run educational institutions ever since the National Commission for Minority Educational Institutions has been created for resolving disputes. However, not much awareness has been generated about the new facility.
Reservation is another contentious area. The issues revolve round the question if Muslims as a whole be declared as Most Backward Community (MBC) or only segments within it. Opinion in the North is sharply divided as Muslim OBCs are apprehensive that benefits will be wholly appropriated by the elite (i.e., the Ashrafs) if an omnibus reservation is made. Arguably, caste exists within Muslims, despite all protestations of immunity against casteism. Biradaries carry caste-like features of holiness/lowliness, hierarchy, endogamy and occupational structures. No purpose will be served by denying age-old social corruptions and distortions. A sub-quota for the Muslim OBCs will therefore serve as the perfect remedy.
Reservation is bound to raise heckles from those who hold the 50 per cent limit imposed by the Supreme Court as sacrosanct. It is time the Parliament raises this limit in proportion to social demography. After all, the Parliament has the upperhand in a democracy. The very same lobby will also be up in arms over reservation for religious minorities. It must be noted that the Constitution does not deal with reservation issue at all. It is based on a Presidential Order of 1955 and draws inspiration from Article 14, 15 and 16 of the Constitution, These articles confer the right to equality, prohibition of discrimination on the basis of religion and caste and confer legitimacy on measures for equal opportunities to all citizens in matters of employment. In fact, the Andhra Pradesh High Court had held that religion could be the basis for reservation.
In order that the Sachar Panel report does not meet the fate of the Gopal Singh Committee, the community is called upon to formulate workable solutions and suggest redressal mechanism. The two sides have to ensure that nothing is done to politicize the issue or raise communal temperature.
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