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Look Beyond Chauvinistic Agenda
The poll and the post-poll outcome in Bihar and Jharkhand have sufficiently highlighted the inadequacies that characterize the United Progressive Alliance (UPA) and the Congress party. But for the Congress’ misplaced overconfidence, the UPA could have averted the current discomfiture in the two states.
It seems, contrary to the media inspired perception that Muslim-Yadav alliance is cracking up, the RJD retained support from the Muslims and other minorities in the state where the party’s government had been able to ensure a riot-free reign during the last 15 years. The very absence of Muslim representation in the LJP serves to indicate that Paswan and company could neither muster Muslim support nor could build a viable Muslim-Dalit vote base to launch the party into a position of a crucial claimant for power. With his opportunist and jumping jack image, Paswan is far from being a replacement for Laloo-Rabri duo. Notwithstanding their rustic image, the duo still catches the imagination of minorities and the Dalits. The most that Paswan could do, and indeed did, was successful blotting of prospect of secular rule returning to Bihar.
The Congress which refused to ally itself fully with the RJD led combine, emerged poorer, with only 10 seats. Apparently, the Congress High Command was misled by uppercaste lobby, mainly led by Brahmin and Bhumihar advisors, into deciding against hitching its bandwagon with the RJD whose secular credentials were undoubtedly shining, though same could not be said about the governance aspect.
However, the emergence of Janata Dal (United) as the major partner with as many as 54 seats, provides a silver lining as the party despite its alliance with BJP, could still be counted as a secular outfit and could be viewed as the axis of a future third front with a secular agenda. With its Kurmi-Koeri base, the party could still look for potential community vote banks from Dalits and minorities in order to emerge out of the shadow of the BJP and stake its claim for ruling Bihar. The BJP despite moving the earth and heavens, could increase its tally in the State only by two seats. Evidently, the State primarily remains a battleground for the rival OBC power mongers. There seems to be no gainsaying that with Congress and the BJP on the fringes, the State still continues to be in the Mandal mode.
However, the man to watch in Bihar would be Ram Vilas Paswan who currently faces the dilemma of being an UPA partner in the Centre but refuses to do business with RJD at the state level. The dilemma gets more and more curious because the Congress-led UPA would not mind jettisoning him in the Centre in case he refuses to mend his ways in Bihar. And having left the NDA only two years ago, he could hardly afford to get back to it with a squeamish face. And in that eventuality he would also lose the credibility as the new self-styled though, champion of the minorities.
Bihar is an interesting state from the minorities point of view. With nearly 14 per cent Muslim votes remaining committed to secular parties, there still seems to be no viable secular alternative away from the Laloo-Rabri bandwagon. The duo could still hope to expand their appeal, if they could only develop an economic vision for the subaltern sections they claim to represent. In South Indian states of Karnataka, Andhra Pradesh and Tamil Nadu, the OBC parties could retain their grip on power for decades together not merely by mouthing platitudes or on the strength of celluloid image or by whipping regional sentiments. Be it the two Kazhgams in Tamil Nadu, or Telugu Desam in Andhra Pradesh or the OBC dominated Congress in Karnataka, they have made solid contribution in the field of agrarian reforms, reservation for OBCs as well as minorities or the primacy for the regional language in education and administration. This economic vision seems to be missing in the scheme of things of two Yadavs ruling the state of Bihar and Uttar Pradesh. Mere confrontation with BJP will not bring about any positive results for the OBC multitutdes. Moral of the lesson is that secularism is good for attracting minority votes, but pro-poor and pro-OBC agenda is the only guarantee that could add a permanent glue to minority-OBC-Dalit vote base. Are the Lohiawadis listening?
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